Chapter 111: The Last Effort

To be honest, the Italian dictator Benito Mussolini was the true fascist in every sense of the word. It was he who coined the term “fascism,” he who formed the Fascist party, and he who had always styled himself as the leader of world fascism.

Mussolini rose rapidly after the First World War because the postwar situation was perfectly suited to his opportunist policies. To win popular support, he exploited the fear of the growing communist movement while simultaneously appealing to the rising nationalist discontent over Italy’s meager gains in the postwar negotiations.

On March 23, 1919, he directed the launch of a “fascist movement,” establishing the world’s first “Fasci di Combattimento” (Combat Fascist Party) in Milan. The political platform of this group was a combination of syndicalist and nationalist slogans.

In the turbulent years from 1919 to 1922, Mussolini used his Blackshirt stormtroopers to fight striking workers, Communists, and Socialists. By 1920, the threat from the communists had diminished. In the 1921 general election, twenty-two fascists were elected to parliament. The Fascist party was organized on a national scale.

Mussolini established the National Fascist Party, and he was known as “Il Duce” (The Leader). In 1922, a prolonged general strike was broken by the “stormtroopers,” which cleared the way for the well-planned “March on Rome” (October 28, 1922). During this crisis, Mussolini himself remained in Milan until the indecisive King Victor Emmanuel III rejected his advisors’ recommendation to arrest him and instead summoned him to form a cabinet (October 31), appointing him Prime Minister and allowing him to seize power.

And this leader of Italian fascism had long been very dissatisfied with Germany’s current policies. He did not want to see a German foreign policy that was moderate with a hint of radicalism; he needed a madman to support his grand expansionist plans.

He had already found his candidate for this madman: the leader of the German Nazi Party, Adolf Hitler. That was why Mussolini’s stormtroopers had always been the main supporters of the Nazi Party’s Brownshirt SA. Without Italian support, the Nazi Party’s violent apparatus might have long since turned to dust.

(Now everyone knows the origin of Germany’s Nazi Brownshirts, right? It was a complete knock-off product, just changing the color of the Italian Fascist Blackshirts. Now you know the truth behind the name of the German Nazi stormtroopers, right? It was blatant plagiarism, not even bothering to change the name. It seems imitation wasn’t a Chinese invention or patent; everyone developed from that period. The pot shouldn’t call the kettle black…)

This time, Mussolini’s visit to Germany by invitation was, in fact, a reluctant compromise on Italy’s part. The Nazi Party, the Fascist party’s representative in Germany, had been consistently suppressed, and ultimately a man named Akado Rudolph had ascended to the pinnacle of German power. This marked the complete failure of Mussolini’s series of investments in Germany.

Now, as the victor, Akado Rudolph had sent an invitation to Benito Mussolini. At any other time, Mussolini could have put on an air and declined the meeting, but this invitation was issued against the backdrop of the Austria and Czechoslovakia issue, leaving him no room to hesitate.

Thus, Mussolini had to rush to meet a German man who greatly displeased him. In Italy, he was revered as The Leader, and this man named Akado was also revered as The Leader in Germany. As a rule, a struggle, both open and secret, was inevitable between two leaders.

In fact, before this meeting, the Soviet government had already secretly accepted the German annexation of Austria. They would no longer champion any damn justice for Austria; they were merely wary of Germany’s growing strength and were using this opportunity to strengthen themselves.

The French government, bogged down by domestic financial chaos from the economic crisis and the cost of building the Maginot Line, was unable to pose a military threat to Germany in the short term, and could only let the Germans stir up trouble in Austria. Moreover, the French Marshal Pétain had overestimated the strength of the Siegfried Line that Germany was building, believing the French army “would pay with countless lives on that line.”

Therefore, Mussolini’s visit to Germany was seen by all of Europe as the last diplomatic effort by the great powers to maintain the independent status of Austria. To accompany this diplomatic effort, Italy moved four divisions to the border, and Mussolini stated clearly in an interview with reporters: “The independence of Austria must first be guaranteed.”

To tell the truth, Akado personally had no favorable impression of Italy under Mussolini’s leadership. Throughout the Second World War, the Italian army seemed to be sleepwalking. They were thrashed in regions like Yugoslavia, then slaughtered by the British in North Africa. After the German-Soviet war began, the Italian army’s combat effectiveness was practically non-existent.

According to an apocryphal history Akado had read in his past life, after the Battle of Stalingrad, Mussolini flew to Berlin to ask Hitler about the losses of the Italian army. The infuriated Führer’s reply was: “None! Italy has no losses! Because they all ran away!”

That was why Akado had never been in a hurry to seek out Mussolini and discuss a so-called “Axis of the World” like Hitler had. This was the main reason why the relationship between Akado’s Greater German Party and Mussolini’s Fascist Party was not close.

Therefore, Akado really didn’t take Italy’s troop mobilization seriously. He was very confident that he could easily defeat Italy’s provocation with just two divisions of the German army. His only concern was prematurely exposing the strength of the still-nascent German Air Force.

But this did not mean Akado looked down on Italy. On the contrary, he had prepared meticulously for this meeting with Mussolini. After all, at this moment, the country was still one of Europe’s major powers, possessing naval and air advantages that Germany could not match.

Akado hoped to use this meeting to pull Mussolini into his camp and gain Italy’s support on the issues of Austria and others. Mussolini hoped to make a trip to Germany to thoroughly teach the new German leader a lesson and show him who was the boss among dictators. And so, Akado and Mussolini, each with their own ulterior motives, met in the German Chancellery.

But a national leader is a national leader, after all. As soon as they met, Mussolini put on an affectionate display, embracing the tall, thin man who was half a head taller than him. “Akado, my friend, it is a great pleasure to see you.”

Akado, of course, would not be outdone. He friendly struck various poses for the reporters to take pictures. After the reporters left, leaving the two for a private conversation, the atmosphere immediately became less friendly.

“Chancellor Akado, I have always hoped that Germany would be a democratic and free country,” Mussolini said, tapping on the desk and adopting the condescending tone of a big brother. “Therefore, I do not wish to see the expulsion and abuse of democrats in Germany.”

“I am sure Italy must be a democratic country,” Akado retorted with a cold laugh, his presence in no way weaker. “Since we are both doing the same thing, let’s not point fingers. Neither of our hands are clean.”

Akado was quite satisfied with his own response. If he had been a minister of the Qing government, he certainly couldn’t have delivered such a righteous counter-attack; he would likely have just smiled obsequiously and bowed. It seemed that having a powerful nation as a backer was indeed something to be very proud of.

“I suggest you cooperate with the Nazi Party. After all, you can only occupy one seat. Give the Chancellorship to Mr. Hitler, and you will gain my support and that of many other countries. It is in your own interest,” Mussolini said, having failed to gain an advantage. He changed his strategy. After all, he hadn’t expected to gain anything within Germany on this trip; his main purpose was the Austrian issue. Bringing up Hitler’s Nazi party was just using a worthless bargaining chip.

Akado laughed out loud. “Don’t think that becoming the leader of Italy is so remarkable. On June 10, 1924, I heard some news. Someone got rid of Giacomo Matteotti. Do you understand now? We are not enemies. On the contrary, we should be allies marching forward side by side.”

Who knew a person named Akado Rudolph in 1924? Mussolini frowned and re-evaluated the young man opposite him. That he could have orchestrated a political coup in a foreign country a decade ago was simply incredible. At that moment, Mussolini felt a sense of danger, and he knew that with Italy’s national strength, he could not threaten the Germany of today, which had smoothly navigated the economic crisis.

“Of course, we can be friends, even firm allies who sign a treaty,” Mussolini decided after some thought, opting for a softer approach to avoid unpleasant disputes. As for the Nazi Party he had always supported, he secretly decided he would not give it up easily. While he couldn’t make arrogant claims about installing Hitler in power now, even having Hitler drag Akado’s feet would be good.

However, he still stated his basic position immediately. “But I still do not wish to see the Nazi Party’s influence continue to decline in Germany.”

“That is the choice of the German people, which I cannot control,” Akado said with a smile and a shrug of his hands. “And Germany has already passed a law banning the activities and propaganda of radical parties.”

Akado stood up, walked to the map, and said with a smile to a bewildered Mussolini, “You should probably not interfere in Germany’s domestic affairs. I believe you came this time mainly for the issues of Czechoslovakia and Austria. So let’s stop beating around the bush.”

“Italy will not compromise on this issue! Austria must remain independent!” Mussolini snorted coldly. “This is my final bottom line.”

“Don’t be so quick to jump to conclusions, Mr. Mussolini,” Akado said, pointing to the documents on the table and gesturing for Mussolini to take a look. “Take a look at my bargaining chips first, then reconsider my proposal.”